According To Watson And Carr, How Do Animals Learn Mazes?
Abstract
A generally forgotten means of observing the developmental stages of scientific psychology is the study of maze devices. Considered in ancient times every bit a symbol of the process of moving in the management of knowledge, the labyrinth, or maze, was at the middle of psychologists' attending from the end of the 19th century. The electric current paper aims to reconstruct the history of the early years of maze learning, starting from the original interests of the experimenters in brain physiology or in mental evolution, and to examine how the experiments they designed connected to be important in the full general theory of learning throughout the 20th century: maze studies helped uncover general principles about learning that tin exist practical to many species, including humans. At the get-go of the 21st century the question has get: what parts of the encephalon are used for spatial learning and memory, every bit shown by the Morris h2o maze, which is very popular in studies of behavioural neuroscience.
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Traetta, 50. (2020) At the Kickoff of Learning Studies At that place Was the Maze. Open up Journal of Medical Psychology, ix, 168-183. doi: x.4236/ojmp.2020.94014.
1. Introduction
Francesco Segala, an architect of the 16th century, produced a human image made upwards of labyrinths: the labyrinth-homo symbolised the ongoing pursuit of cognition of the inner life and the outer world. The labyrinth offered various apparent ways out, all of which had to exist explored in order for it to emerge that but i was real. Four centuries afterwards, Kerényi recalled how the labyrinth as a symbol had already been used in Mesopotamia to announce the process of moving in the management of knowledge [1].
In the sense of a space from which information technology is impossible to get out without "guiding reason", the labyrinth was therefore called maze, from maes, which meant grass in Welsh, or field in Celtic. This definition would later denote the hedge game so loved by the aristocracy of the 16thursday and 17thursday centuries, and the more than modern games for children involving boxes in which one or more little balls have to be guided along tortuous routes.
From this same matrix, starting from the stop of the nineteenth century, various psychological maze tests for evaluating beast and human learning were devised. These methodological strategies shaped past Darwinian and Spencerian evolutionism were before long taken up by other naturalists, similar George Romanes, a friend of Darwin'due south, Douglas Spalding, and Conwy Lloyd Morgan, whose enquiry concentrated on psychological functions such as animals' ability to learn, to memorize, to orient in the surroundings, to solve bug, etc. Darwin [2] himself opened the way with a series of studies on the "habits of earthworms" and their ability to represent objects. In his 1882 catalog of animate being behaviour, Animal Intelligence, Romanes used the term "comparative psychology" for the starting time time [three] to provide empirical bear witness for Darwin'southward hypothesis of mental continuity; Spalding investigated instincts and fabricated observations of what would subsequently be called "imprinting", "behavioral maturation", and "behavioral critical periods" [4] [5] [6], and Morgan, with his "canon" of parsimony, corrected what he considered excessive anthropomorphism in Romanes' work and espoused the importance of empirical investigations when reasoning with animal cognition [7].
Coincidentally with these suggestions, consciousness and mentalism were de-emphasised in favour of an orientation towards behaviour every bit the primary object of psychological inquiry and towards the study of animals non essentially different from man, except in the degree of development. However, studying beast behaviour in the laboratory required techniques that were necessarily different from those applied in the written report of humans: i.e., they had to be more than observational and no longer based on the use of mental tests. These techniques required the ideation of new devices, such as puzzle boxes and mazes, which became "one of psychology's cornerstone methods", every bit they have been called [8], thanks also to the fact that the maze was "the commencement piece of apparatus created by psychologists themselves, and not borrowed from other disciplines such as physiology" [ix]. In spite of all that, apart from a small number of studies, information technology has attracted little historiographic attending [x] [eleven].
2. Puzzle Boxes vs. Mazes
The question raised past Edward L. Thorndike, who in 1898 [12] became the first researcher to obtain an American doctorate in animal psychology, concerned the identification of the senses used by animals in finding a way to escape from a puzzle box. In actual fact, the device he congenital for experimentation was non in the shape of a labyrinth merely the "situation" was similar: a maze presents more alternative paths, some of which atomic number 82 into blind alleys while one leads to a goal box where there is some food or other reward. The learning procedure thus appears to be i of trial and error, with the correct choices reinforced by advantage, and errors penalized. The term trial and error goes back to Alexander Bain, who used it in his analysis of the "constructive intellect" in the sense of a "feeling of the finish to be served" and the ability to judge when that end has been satisfactorily attained [13] [14], though it was introduced into animal psychology by Lloyd Morgan [seven] to describe the process past which his dog Toni learned such tricks as opening a gate by raising the latch with his muzzle, etc. Trial and mistake so became the principal assumption underlying Thorndike'southward mechanistic theory.
The lectures on habit and instinct that Lloyd Morgan held in 1896 at Harvard Academy on the description of two forms of trial-and-error learning concerning the theory that the acquisition of skills should non take been ascribed to complex forms of associations, only to the consequences of an activity, was undoubtedly what inspired Thorndike to conduct experiments with chicks, although he never mentioned his attendance at the actual lectures; he probably acknowledged his indebtedness through his professor, William James. When he moved to Columbia in 1897 to complete his K.A., he enlarged his sample to include cats and dogs. The findings were reported in his 1898 doctoral dissertation, Fauna Intelligence: An Experimental Written report of the Associative Processes in Animals [12], the publication of which was described "every bit the founding of experimental animal psychology […]. In upshot, […] his work […] led to the production of a convention that treats animals as abstract devices for introducing concepts that were to become common in human psychology" [15].
For his experiments Thorndike devised a number of boxes, which he called pens, with doors to be opened by turning a handle, pressing a lever, or pulling a string attached to the exterior bolt: that is, using a response the diverse animals—generally young cats, only also dogs, fish, chickens and monkeys—could perform equally well (Figure one) [12]. The animals responded in a number of means, some of them ineffective: at first they clawed and scratched more or less indiscriminately only in doing so, they somewhen—though unintentionally—gave the required button or pull, and and so obtained their freedom or nutrient. After some repetitions, the animal very chop-chop acquired the ability to do what was needed, until the fob was properly learned. The "pleasing" action was "stamped in" by success, while the indiscriminate pawing was stamped out. Thus, learning, explained with the law of effect, was due to the cosmos of associations betwixt stimuli (the box)
and responses (e.1000., stepping on the switch), and no speculation almost the mind was necessary or useful. Thorndike wrote: "The possibility is that animals may accept no images or memories at all, no ideas to associate. Maybe the entire fact of association in animal is the presence of sense-impressions with which are associated, by resultant pleasure, certain impulses, and that therefore, and therefore only, a certain situation brings forth a certain act" [12]. In Thorndike'southward terms, the retentiveness that formed when a hungry fauna escaped from solitude (satisfier) tended to be "stamped in", whereas unsuccessful movements (annoyers) were forgotten.
The event of the numerous experiments was the production of a graph called a time curve, shaped as an S and showing the times taken by the animals in successive trials [12]: different species varied in how fast they learned and where their performances levelled off, with each animal producing an S bend. This seemed consistent with Romanes' idea that unlike species learned the same way at different speeds [16].
The brute'due south gradual mastery of the puzzle led Thorndike to infer that once the animal had achieved insight, later on a while the trial and error would stop, and the individual learning curve would show a sudden drop in time per trial. This idea remained in his subsequent essays on the upshot. The outset of them [17] independent no descriptions of boxes but simply data already nerveless for his 1898 monograph, whereas his 1901 work on the mental life of monkeys presented many of the elements of later research on animals [18]. The experiments, which required the use of various puzzle boxes similar to the devices fabricated for his doctoral thesis, concerned monkeys' activities such equally distinguishing between 2 signals, opening complex boxes to obtain food, etc. Once once again learning curves emerged [nineteen].
Thorndike'due south experiments attracted considerable attention: psychologists were becoming increasingly confident that their experiments could also provide evidence virtually creature thinking and other cognitive processes. Nevertheless, at that place were various re-interpretations of Thorndike'south conclusions, such as Hobhouse's observation that trial-and-fault behaviour was inevitable given that the puzzle box—equally had already been observed in 1912 [20] —was a blind situation for an animal, which could not inspect it at the starting time, so it was necessary to change the stimulus [21], and Adams' view that trial-and-mistake behaviour in cats consisted of manipulatory responses to various objects and not of miscellaneous movements unrelated to the environments [22]. Bitterman would explicate the importance of Thorndike's work thus: it "was objective: it minimized the influence of the observer […]. It was quantitative: the form of learning could be measured accurately […]. It was reproducible: the work of one investigator could be repeated and verified by others. Information technology was flexible: the responses required could be varied in kind and complication. Information technology was natural: […] the problems presented […] were not too remote from the animal'south ordinary class of life […]. It was convenient: a big plenty sample of animals could be studied to provide a representative picture of each of a variety of species" [23].
For his part, Hobhouse, in Mind in Development, provided detailed descriptions of the various problems that he presented to cats, dogs, a monkey, elephants and a chimpanzee to solve and thus obtain nutrient. During the experiments, conducted with different types of mechanisms in boxes (string to exist pulled, cord on railngs, levers, pull-bolts, push-back bolts, catches, loops, spikes, jugs or tumblers to be overturned, covers, drawers, doors to be pushed open up, weights) (Figures 2-4) he noticed a sudden improvement in the learning curve, which he ascribed to the animal'south ability to employ perceptual relations in problem solution. The difficulty, he oft found, was to get the animal to nourish to the important object. He
Figure two. Hobhouse'due south boxes [xx]. b, commodities, fatigued; c, catch, raised; l, lever.
Effigy 3. Hobhouse'southward boxes [20]. Box arranged with Loop: fifty, lever; λ, loop; one thousand, gimlet.
Effigy four. Hobhouse's boxes. Box arranged with Spike [20]. l, lever; c, chain; south, spike.
called these discontinuities "practical judgment" [twenty], a shift away from the estimation of learning as forms of association, because "it is a strange coincidence that the right associations are chosen. […] In short, nosotros find signs on the i hand of the application of ideas, on the other of selection. Both of these features indicate a higher stage than that of sheer association" [twenty]. Practical judgment enabled purposive action in the strict sense, that is, activeness in which an impulse dealt with the varying circumstances in the manner best suited to give it satisfaction. Therefore, information technology was distinguished from association because it was not dominated by mental habit but could select the almost advisable style for its purposes.
In 1900 and 1901 Small published his experimental research on mazes as a part of a series carried out in the Clark laboratory in the previous bookish year to study the grapheme of the associative processes of the rat. This type of experiment—Small pointed out—had already been conducted by Thorndike in Columbia laboratory and his colleague, Linus W. Kline, in the Clark laboratory itself. Small used white rats that existed just in captivity for comparative psychology laboratory studies seeking to provide a description of the psychic life of special creature forms [24]. Equally for the word "association", he clarified its departure from the Wundtian definition, according to which association consisted of ideational connections defective in the characteristics of the activeness of logical thought. According to Small, the term, although meaning "connections", should be interpreted in a wider sense, covering all possible connections of mental elements as indicated by animals' activities, i.e., their intelligence equally conditioned by their dominant instincts, structural and functional traits, affective life, etc.. In fact, he observed six groups of rats, paying attention to the mode in which contiguous associations originated and were integrated, the persistence of such processes, the factors entering into them, recognition and discernment, fake, and individual differences [24]. He also tested blind rats and found that their functioning was similar to sighted animals. This outcome led him to infer that neither sight nor smell were important for learning, but nearly probably bear upon and kinesthesis were the keys to a rat'due south power to run through a maze.
For the experimental tests, the maze was constructed post-obit the suggestions of Clark's laboratory director, Edmund C. Sanford—as Kline recalled in a annotation to Miles [25] —during a chat he had with Kline in the bound of 1898 about the "habitation-finding" capacities of the rat and its burrowing and digging. The device reproduced the Hampton Court maze, as depicted in the diagram of the labyrinth in the Encyclopaedia Britannica. The name "Hampton Court" derived from a labyrinth which William III had built in 1690 in the gardens of the castle of Hampton Courtroom to a design by the gardeners George London and Henry Wise.
Small's device [26], the shape of which was designed to simulate, equally far as possible, the rat's normal underground tunnelling surroundings [25], measured 6 ft × eight ft and was adjusted to a rectangular pattern (Effigy v) [27]. It was constructed
of wire mesh and placed on a sawdust-covered wooden floor. Three mazes were made. The other 2 mazes were identical to the showtime one except for the fact that they were fabricated entirely—the lesser as well every bit the top and sides—of wire netting [27]. The food was placed inside the box, and two white rats were placed together at the entrance. Working independently, they explored backwards and forwards throughout the maze, pausing to dig in the sawdust or bite the wires. The first rat reached the food in thirteen minutes. They were left in the maze all dark, and when tested the next solar day, they covered the altitude from archway to food in 3 minutes. In subsequent trials the time required was farther reduced and the errors (entering a bullheaded alley or retracing the main path) decreased to one or ii per trial. In an intermediate phase of learning, they would hesitate near the archway and and then "flash" through to the goal. They would enter a previously explored blind alley slowly and so run out chop-chop. When not very hungry, they would "play past the way, strolling nonchalantly into the blind alleys" [27] but then making a quick dash to the goal box. Even when their run from beginning to finish was error-free, it was not a stereotyped motor routine. This maze offered ii culling paths, both leading to the goal only one was shorter than the other; in time the rats came to have the shorter route almost exclusively. Later on the maze had been well learned, the experimenter opened upward a short cut, which the rats quickly adopted.
Small-scale's observations led him to the theory that the associative process consisted of the persistence of the feeling of hunger and the location of the nutrient inside of the box, i.due east., equally a retentiveness of getting the nutrient inside the box [24]. In other words, the rats learned the place rather than a sequence of movements. He concluded that "The central fact in the procedure seems to exist the recognition by the rats of item parts of the maze" [27]. In addition, there was a difference between the rats, because of the quick learning of the "leading" rat.
While Small-scale'south interest was in studying learning, Kline's attention was at first attracted by the "nutrient-box-finding" capacity of rats which, being gnawers, had to be studied "under the hunger impulse, free from fearfulness, and, as far as possible, under natural conditions" [25]. In fact, in the conviction that the natural method and the experimental one "are necessary to a more than abundant ingathering of facts" [28], he adopted an epistemological approach to the research on animals' learning that ranged from careful and continuous observations of naturally occurring behaviours to laboratory experimental observations involving mazes which, however, would inhibit the animals' ability to deed freely. The idea for the 2nd approach came from his 1897 research on chicks' "sickness for home", which involved reading Association in Animals, a chapter of Morgan's Introduction to Comparative Psychology, where the writer explained the use of little boxes similar to traps to study the ways in which rats searched for nutrient in out-of-the-manner places, and observing an investigation conducted in 1897 in the Department of Biology at Clark by Colin C. Stewart, whose "methods, apparatus, and techniques were both interesting and instructive and fabricated a decided impression" upon Kline. The importance lay inter alia in the utilise of rats and mice for the experiments, considering "they are small, cheap, hands fed and cared for" [25]. Finally, Small'southward first Hampton maze, which he was able to find in the hallway in front of the entrance to the laboratory motorcar store of Clark University, gave him an idea for the construction of a like device [25].
Kline's box was 8 inches long, 7 inches broad, half-dozen inches deep, with sides of wire, a glass top and a wooden bottom [28]. The box was raised above the level of the flooring by two supporting strips one ane/2 inches thick (Figure vi). Figure 6(a) shows the side view and Figure 6(b) the entrance and front view [25]. This experimental box was and then put into the animals' home box, which too served as an observation box. Information technology was xviii inches long, 14 inches wide and fourteen inches deep; 1 side was made of wire, i stop of glass and the rest of forest. The rats were placed in the dwelling house box several days before the experiments to get familiar with their surroundings [28]. After a serial of xiii observations, Kline expressed his doubts about the possibility of establishing the associative chain in a very stable and clear form, since the rats "seldom begin digging at the proper place, sometimes will begin holes in several different places, and they will not dig at all until they accept fabricated several examinations of the box" [28]. Consequently, information technology could be said in pre-Piagetian terms, he established the "dividing lines between instinct, intelligence, and habit", because "it was instinct that prompted my chicks to perch, or my rats to scratch upwardly the sawdust; it was intelligence gained through experience, that enabled the chicks to escape from the thousand, and the rats to get food from the box; it was habit that made the chicks go in a particular roosting box, unsolicited, at the arroyo of dark while they were wholly indifferent to another box and would escape from it if put in it" [28].
3. Kinesthesis in Maze Performance
The fact that animals could rapidly acquire a complex maze opened up various theoretical problems. In trying to reach conclusive solutions, psychologists varied the maze design, standardized the experimental procedure and quantified the scoring of the animal'due south functioning. Among them was John B. Watson, whose research was focused on the identification of sensory cues [29]. The impetus was given by his 1903 doctoral dissertation and beginning published inquiry Animal Education: An Experimental Study of the Psychological Development of the White Rat. In Correlated with the Growth of Its Nervous Arrangement, he sought to correlate the growth of the fundamental nervous system and the development of learning power or, in other words, to clarify: "ane) How far is it possible […] to give a systematic account of the gradual unfolding of the associative processes in the rat? two) Is it possible […] to observe out whether or not medullated nerve fibers in the cortex of the rat are a conditio sine qua not of the rat's forming and retaining definite associations? 3) Is there whatever demonstrable connection between the increasing complexity of the psychical life, as manifested in the power of the rat to form increasingly complex associations, and the number of medullated fibers in the cortex, together with their extension toward its surface?" [30].
The starting point of his reflections was the observation that researchers had not demonstrated that rats could form associations except in relation to the sense of aroma [30]. In contrast to the prevailing beliefs of the time, Watson was convinced that the animals were "capable of forming and retaining associations comparable […] to associations formed by dogs, cats, and monkeys" [thirty], as Small had in part demonstrated. Moreover, following Morgan's suggestions, he decided to adopt a descriptive, anterior method that would permit him to expect at the formation of associations, rather than taking them already formed, i.e., learning had to exist considered every bit "a gradual selection of sure acts and movements in the given situation by reason of the satisfaction they bring" [30]. That is why he preferred to apply the term "blueprint of behaviour" or "habit" instead of "association". Following Thorndike and Small'south method and procedure, the rats were left hungry, and food was then placed within the problem box to ascertain whether animals that had already learned the maze could still traverse information technology without error, and whether previously untrained animals could larn the maze as quickly as the trained ones.
Equally for their psychical development, which was carefully observed by decision-making both the laboratory conditions (eliminating, for case, loud racket) and the conditions of his rats before and during the trials, Watson constitute that 23-day-quondam rats were able to solve any simpler problem like the developed rats, whereas the latter could too quickly solve problems requiring more than complex discernment, probably cheers to their greater exposure to a diverseness of problems. Younger rats showed "superabundant physical activity and lack of muscular control" [30] with movements that served no purpose in solving the problems, whereas adult rats abandoned superfluous action quickly.
To answer the 2d and third question, then, i.eastward., the correlation between the growth of the central nervous organization and the activities of the white rat and the role of the medullated fibers in the cortex, Watson dissected the brains of 23 rats aged between two hours and 42 days and one rat recorded equally an "developed" [xxx]. His conclusion was that when the rats reached their total psychical development at about 23 days of age, the medullation process was still far from complete. In any example, "i) Medullated fibers in the cortex of the rat are not a condition sine qua non of the rat'southward forming and retaining definite associations; 2) the complexity of the psychical life increases much more quickly than does the medullation process in the cortex, psychical maturity existence reached when approximately only i-5th of the total number of fibers in the cortex are medullated" [xxx].
During the 1904 Congress of Art and Sciences in St. Louis, Watson explained his next project, which aimed to determine the "relative importance of the several sensations of whatsoever given animal in its adjustment to its environment" [31], thus adopting the opposite direction to contemporary inquiry into the office of the sense organs, which involved performing preparatory surgery on untrained animals and then studying the immediate and local effects of the functioning, with scarce "attention to the result of the operations upon the instinctively and habitually organized reactions of the beast as a whole" [31].
To identify the specific sensory cues used to learn a maze, Watson followed the established scientific research procedures of the time. For his appliance he used the aforementioned maze in all experiments (Figure 7). The bottom of the maze and the sides of the galleries were made of woods ⅞ of an inch thick. The tiptop of the maze was of ¼-inch-mesh wire netting. The plan of the maze was a duplicate of the one used past Small, except that the dimensions of the ground programme were v by 7 anxiety. Plain, as the dimensions of the galleries were the same as in Pocket-sized's maze, the fundamental food-box was smaller than the other food-box. The distance (represented past the broken line) from the entrance of the maze to the central food-box was 40 feet [31].
In 1904 in Chicago Watson had met Harvey Carr, ane of Angell's students, and he decided to deport out with him the experiments with rats. The research began the following yr. To study the function of vision, Carr trained rats in a lighted maze; they then ran in a darkened maze and subsequently in the light in one case more. No differences were found in the rats' performances. Carr placed visual and tactual stimuli at selected points in the maze to ascertain their influence on functioning: the rats' behaviour was the same [32]. In the low-cal of these results, Watson decided to proceed by depriving each rat of one sense at a time by applying the surgical procedures and techniques he had learned in the summer of 1905 under William Howell of John Hopkins. In 1906 he began to operate on six-calendar month-former rats that had previously learned the maze. He made i group blind past removing their eyeballs and one group deaf by removing their middle ear, and he removed the olfactory bulb from some other group to ensure they could not smell [31].
After xviii months of investigation, the two researchers ended that well-trained rats, even though deprived of their major sensory abilities, after full recovery from each operation were able to traverse the maze very fast and "with confidence", and this with different views of the device'due south orientation (compass sense), different air currents, and different path length. In i experiment, for example, afterwards grooming, the rats were released into a path reduced in length past half; nutrient was placed in front end of the new end. The animals ignored the nutrient and ran olfactory organ-kickoff into the stop of the maze, making a "kerplunk" sound (hence the nickname: the "kerplunk experiment"). If the path was longer, the rats ran until they reached their usual distance, i.e., the distance at which the food was normally located. After that, they paused to sniff the surface area, even though they had not reached the end of the path, oftentimes ignoring food that was located further along.
Armed with these results, Watson and Carr performed the same operations on a new grouping of rats, and institute that these rats too learned the maze as well as the rats with full sensory apparatus. Hypothesizing that the rats were making use of their whiskers, Watson eliminated their whiskers and destroyed their sense of gustation. This made no difference whatsoever to the results. Watson and Carr finally inferred that the essential cues in maze learning and running were provided by a series of associated movements, or kinaesthesia, instead of stimuli from the outside world. Other internal senses, such as the organic, might play some office; only the external senses were non essential in guiding the rats, as Watson had already shown [31].
This conclusion was not entirely accepted. In a review, Margaret Floy Washburn [33] [34] took consequence both with the over-emphasis on the function of kinesthetic sensations and muscular movements in maze performances and with the comparison between the behaviours of rats and homo beings, which Carr and
Figure 9. Perrin'due south Hampton Court mazes to be covered by humans with a pencil or a stylus.
Watson made in the last part of their work [32]. Although admitting the impossibility that animal consciousness could be measured straight, she stated her intention to explore animal mental phenomena, such as learning and attending, which were—co-ordinate to her—like to those of humans. The criticism levelled by Washburn, the first woman to receive a PhD in psychology, in 1894, was partly due to her unlike approach to the written report of animate being learning. In the same year as her review of Carr and Watson'due south piece of work [32], she published The Brute Mind: A Text-Book of Comparative Psychology [33] [34], which was reprinted in 1917, 1926, and 1936. The main thesis was that, by taking care to avoid the temptation of anthropomorphism, which could interfere every bit a source of mistake, the workings of animals' minds could be inferred from their behaviour, which was an analogon of man conscious experience. Every bit she stated, "Our acquaintance with the mind of animals rests upon the same ground equally our acquaintance with the listen of our fellow man; both are derived by inference from observed behavior. […] We know non where consciousness begins in the animal world. Nosotros know where it surely exists—in ourselves; nosotros know where it exists beyond a reasonable dubiousness—in those animals of structure resembling ours which readily adjust themselves to the lessons of experience. Across this point, for all we know, information technology may exist in simpler and simpler forms until nosotros achieve the very lowest of living beings" [33] [34]. Consequently, her investigations were not express to rats or cats and dogs and to their muscular movements, merely they concerned the ability to utilize various sensory modalities of "non fewer than 100 species, including ants, bees, caterpillars, cats, craven, chubs, clams, cockroaches, cows, venereal, crayfish", etc., as well every bit the amoeba [35].
The devices Washburn used took different forms, ranging from simple mazes to complex ones likewise as T-mazes, etc., and they provide a clear illustration of the rapid proliferation of maze designs. In 1927, proposing a standardized maze, Warner and Warden noted the use of more than than 100 different maze patterns [36]. Information technology was an era in which mazes of all kinds—open or elevated [37], walled and unwalled [38] [39], U, T, Y and linear—were synthetic for animals, blindfolded human adults and homo children [40]. For example, in 1914 Perrin made an approximately circular maze for blindfolded subjects in an amusement park (Figure viii); he also used a minor model of the Hampton Court maze, the paths through which were traced by the field of study with a pencil or a stylus (Effigy 9) [41], thus paving the mode for procedures such as the high-relief finger mazes, the Porteus Maze Test [42] [43], etc., which drew psychologists' attending to motivation or previous memory. The history of the maze, however, was still non over: in 1984, in a menstruum dominated by interest in neurosciences, Richard G. Morris created a water maze to measure spatial ability [44]. In short the maze has always been "present" in the history of psychology right from the birth of the discipline.
Conflicts of Interest
The authors declare no conflicts of involvement regarding the publication of this newspaper.
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According To Watson And Carr, How Do Animals Learn Mazes?,
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